人说怀孕时大脑如何理解？神经实验证明：社会刻板印象引发认知努力，生理常识不符则启动纠错机制。
When a Man Says He Is Pregnant: Event-related Potential Evidence for a Rational Account of Speaker-contextualized Language Comprehension
- 用脑电图研究说话人与内容不符时的神经反应，区分社会与生物层面的语义矛盾。
- 社会类不匹配（如男人生孩子）引发N400，表示需额外努力整合信息；生物类不匹配引发P600，表明启动纠错机制。
- 开放性人格者对社会刻板印象容忍度更高，其N400减弱，但生物类错配的P600仍稳定存在。
口语理解常依赖说话人身份形成的语境。例如，女性说“我这周末要去做美甲”或“我第一次怀孕时很难受”易被理解，而男性说出同样话语则更难理解。以往脑电研究对说话人-内容不一致的神经反应结果不一，部分报告出现N400效应，另一些则显示P600效应。本研究通过64名参与者的脑电实验，以社会与生物不匹配为案例，揭示不同ERP模式反映理性推断的不同方面。当不匹配涉及社会刻板印象（如男性做美甲），听者可借助社会知识整合内容，实现“字面理解”，但因违反刻板印象需额外认知努力，表现为N400效应；当不匹配涉及生物学常识（如男性怀孕），字面理解极不可能，听者会将其视为可能出错的输入，启动修正过程，导致P600效应。支持理性推断框架，我们发现社会型N400效应随听众开放性人格特质降低，而生物型P600效应保持稳健，因生物学约束不受个性影响。研究调和了先前矛盾结果，揭示理性推断在说话人-语境化语言理解中的作用。
原文摘要 · Abstract (English)
Spoken language is often, if not always, understood in a context formed by the identity of the speaker. For example, we can easily make sense of an utterance such as "I'm going to have a manicure this weekend" or "The first time I got pregnant I had a hard time" when spoken by a woman, but it would be harder to understand when it is spoken by a man. Previous ERP studies have shown mixed results regarding the neurophysiological responses to such speaker-content mismatches, with some reporting an N400 effect and others a P600 effect. In an EEG experiment involving 64 participants, we used social and biological mismatches as test cases to demonstrate how these distinct ERP patterns reflect different aspects of rational inference. We showed that when the mismatch involves social stereotypes (e.g., men getting a manicure), listeners can arrive at a "literal" interpretation by integrating the content with their social knowledge, though this integration requires additional effort due to stereotype violations-resulting in an N400 effect. In contrast, when the mismatch involves biological knowledge (e.g., men getting pregnant), a "literal" interpretation becomes highly implausible or impossible, leading listeners to treat the input as potentially containing errors and engage in correction processes-resulting in a P600 effect. Supporting this rational inference framework, we found that the social N400 effect decreased as a function of the listener's personality trait of openness (as more open-minded individuals maintain more flexible social expectations), while the biological P600 effect remained robust (as biological constraints are recognized regardless of individual personalities). Our findings help to reconcile empirical inconsistencies and reveal how rational inference shapes speaker-contextualized language comprehension.
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